In Michigan this year, a new super PAC vowing to fight pro-Israel money chipped in more than half a million dollars to help progressive Abdul El-Sayed's Senate bid. Its funders: a crew of virtually unknown political donors, many of whom had never given to politics before last year but have since donated up to $1 million each.
In New York, billionaire Alex Soros cut checks directly to progressive politicians, including Reps. Pramila Jayapal of Washington and Ilhan Omar of Minnesota. Those donations are part of the millions of dollars that Soros and his father, George, plan to give to Democratic causes this year.
And in Philadelphia, nearly a million dollars in TV advertising paid for by outside groups is boosting Democratic socialist Chris Rabb, highlighting his endorsement from New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and his willingness to fight for Medicare for All.
The left flank of the Democratic Party raises and spends only a fraction of what many Republicans and the Democratic establishment do on elections. But as the far left gains momentum, supporters are working to expand their funding.
Even the Democratic Socialists of America, which is funded exclusively by membership dues and relies largely on volunteers, has been experimenting with raising more money. While introductory dues for DSA members usually start at $10 a month, the organization's newer option to pay income-based "solidarity dues" set contributions at a much heftier 1% of member's incomes.
"Give your 1% for the 99%," the DSA's website advertises.
Another group that focuses on identifying and helping progressive candidates, Justice Democrats, said its goal is to remain competitive in races where opponents can use funding advantages to sometimes overwhelm progressives with ads.
"We will never have the amount of money that Aipac or crypto have," said Usamah Andrabi, a spokesman for the group, referring to the pro-Israel American Israel Public Affairs Committee and a cryptocurrency industry that has spent more than $90 million during the midterms. (Aipac spokeswoman Deryn Sousa said the group "is a membership organization of individual Americans, not an industry.")
Here is how the progressive movement compares with other big-money counterparts.
The Mamdani Factor
Zohran Mamdani's election as mayor of New York City last fall sparked a new era of far-left politics and a new generation of political donors, many of them critical of the war in the Middle East and frustrated by Aipac spending to support politicians who back Israel.
In past elections big donors to progressives were generally older, wealthy hippies or successful Hollywood players. The emerging group skews younger, is often South Asian or Middle Eastern, and works in fields such as technology and medicine.
Sathvik Kaliyur, CEO of a fundraising firm called NWF Strategies whose clients have included Mamdani and El-Sayed, said his goal is to make it easier for candidates who don't come from money to run for office.
Many of the biggest checks are going to a super PAC that aims to be an "anti-Aipac" force, called American Priorities.
American Priorities has used its funds to support progressives who criticize Israel, including more than $1 million to help elect Claire Valdez and Darializa Avila Chevalier, two DSA-backed candidates who won New York congressional primaries. The ads themselves didn't mention Israel or the Palestinian territories as an issue: Instead, they stressed affordability and that the two women were "Mamdani-endorsed."
One of the group's funders, Texas entrepreneur Sam Mahrouq, said he supports efforts that "encourage a balanced American foreign policy and oppose corruption, discrimination, endless wars and excessive special-interest influence."
The candidates
Four candidates who won at least one endorsement from major far-left groups are now in competitive races against Republicans. Nine more are aiming to win districts considered solidly Republican.
Who are the big donors
The biggest donors helping the left this year often wouldn't consider themselves Democratic socialists: The list includes old-school progressives and donors interested in abortion rights and the environment whose money is helping far-left candidates who share their views on those issues.
Democratic establishment groups are also now backing progressive candidates who won their primaries in tossup districts, including in California's Central Valley. A super PAC linked to House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and an affiliated group, for example, have spent or booked more than $9 million in television advertising to help educator Randy Villegas.
Some Democrats running in largely red districts are receiving unexpected help, too: A super PAC recently launched by Democratic Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker. It has reserved more than $2 million of television advertising in Tennessee's Ninth District, which leans heavily Republican, to support Justin Pearson, who has been endorsed by Ocasio-Cortez.
Methodology
The Wall Street Journal reviewed Federal Election Commission filings for 52 campaign committees and 19 PACs. Candidates were included based on endorsements by Democratic Socialists of America, Justice Democrats and the Working Families Party as of September. PACs were included based on ad spending in races that included the progressive candidates.
To calculate donor totals, the Journal searched records of individual contributions. Because donors often appear in FEC filings with several name spellings, addresses or employers, the Journal combined amounts when it could determine that records represented the same individual.